[Originally published on Carbure, on Feb. 17th, 2017. Translated into English by ediciones inéditos.]
One could say of the police what has been said about the army, that is a much too serious thing to be confided to the police; but we must not forget that capitalism has also allowed the military to wage war as they wished for as long as it has been necessary for capitalism to go to war.
Like any institution, the police enjoy a certain amount of relative autonomy in relation to its internal and external authorities: the State has its own hierarchy. This autonomy exists at all its levels: in the streets, at the police station and at the regional level the police defend their own interests as a corporation and as an institution. As a corporation, it depends on the material and legal means which the State accords it and as an institution, it depends on ideological justification from the State, by what is known as its security doctrine.
[Originally published in French by Lundi Matin on Feb. 14th, 2016. Translated into English by ediciones ineditos. Translator’s note: “banlieue” is translated as “suburbs” in this piece but in France, the “banlieues” on the outskirts of Paris carries a connotation closer to “the hood,” often accompanied by xenophobic and racist stereotypes of its racialized residents.]
Interview with Samir of the Suburbs & Immigration Movement (MiB)
Ever since the abuses of the Aulnay-sous-bois police had been made public, the evening riots in the Parisian suburbs have shown no signs of stopping, this despite the calls for calm and threats from the Executive branch. A reader of lundimatin had thus found it pertinent to send us an interview he did with Samir, a militant who came out of the Suburbs & Immigration Movement. Samir talks about his politicization in the suburbs in the ’90s, the riots of November 2005, the role of neighborhood associations and gives us his point of view on the current movement calling for #JusticePourTheo. He offers up a particular analysis on the prolonging of the riot within militant action, including its role within politics and its conjunction with other forms of struggle.
Bruno Astarian has published a translation of his own work, noting errors in the edition we published.
Originally published by Olivier Mukuna, a Black Belgian journalist & essayist, on Facebook, Feb. 7th 2017. Translated from the French by ediciones inéditos. [Note: négrophobie*, the original French term, roughly translates to what we denote in English as anti-blackness. The translation will keep use of the the French term, albeit anglicized, because of its power for Black people in the francophone world.]
Sometimes, life will cement together that which you have been trying express for years. Without subtlety. With violence and celerity. For having facilitated three debates on the fight against negrophobia, last weekend at the Bozar of Brussesls1, I did not expect to see Franco-Belgian news supplant to such a degree our exchanges…
Of course, to “encourage” the remarks we made, there had been the white woman Romanie Schotte and her virtual and negrophobic shit, an anencephablic Miss Belgium, understood and protected by most media, with RTL-TVi at the head2 [reference to her racist comment]. There was also the drowning of a Gambian refugee, Pathe Sabally, 22 years old, in the icy waters of Venice accompanied by negrophobic quips from some onlookers.3 The Belgian-on-Belgian “polemic” and the Italian “news headline,” presented as “isolated” and without “known causes” had supported our debate titled, “Struggle Against Afrophobia: or where are we right now in Europe?”4 And in the backdrop there was the hallucinating case of Adama Traoré – or how French authorities strove to protect three police officers who had asphyxiated their victim, let him die on the ground, his hands handcuffed behind his back – where we learned that three autopsies were necessary to establish the causes of death of a young black man 24 years of age… while he was indeed smothered by police.5